The facts are shocking: on the one hand, Tusk frightened Poles with the prospect of an imminent war that could break out within months, while on the other, he was dismantling our ability to defend ourselves against Russian ballistic weapons.
On Saturday, July 4, shortly before 9 a.m., Krzysztof Bosak drew attention on X to a post by the account 1 Star, which claimed that Poland had transferred PAC-3 MSE missiles for the Patriot air and missile defence system to Ukraine. The following day, July 5, shortly after 3 p.m., Defence Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz published the following post on X: “Following consultations with Prime Minister Donald Tusk, acting responsibly towards the public and in accordance with the law, I have ordered the declassification of all donations made to Ukraine between 2022 and 2026.” On Monday, July 6, during a press conference that began at 4:45 p.m., Kosiniak-Kamysz confirmed that Poland, in coordination with its allies, had transferred the missiles in question to Ukraine. He stressed, however, that this represented only “a marginal part of our defence capabilities.” He also disclosed a list of other resources transferred to Ukraine in 2022 and 2023.
Błaszczak acted wrongly, Kosiniak-Kamysz acted rightly
The following day, the government’s propaganda spectacle continued, intended to cover up its earlier lies. When Mariusz Błaszczak submitted a parliamentary question on the matter on April 29, the December 13 coalition remained silent. The former defence minister was referring to a statement by a Ukrainian minister who had thanked Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and Poland for providing missiles for Patriot systems. In response to the question, the Ministry of National Defence cited the classified nature of information relevant to state security. The resources of Polish Television in liquidation were also brought into the operation.
Its journalist Piotr Maślak was assigned on Tuesday, July 7, to interview Deputy Defence Minister Cezary Tomczyk. The regime-controlled broadcaster widely circulated an excerpt from the interview under the title: “Błaszczak’s and Czarnek’s lies must be confronted with the facts.”
Maślak, the author of one of the most disgraceful statements in the history of Polish journalism—in August 2023, when he was a TOK FM reporter, he posted on X: “I cannot describe it any other way: border guards who prevent water from being delivered and doctors from reaching refugees might as well wear SS patches. They also followed orders. And if you are ordered to shoot refugees, will you follow that order too?”—asked Tomczyk what he thought about the following situation:
“Former defence minister Mariusz Błaszczak says that when he disclosed outdated Polish defence plans, he was accused of endangering state security and now faces specific legal consequences. Yet when the Democratic Coalition government [sic!] discloses important information concerning Poland’s entire security system, it is supposedly justified by the national interest.”
Tomczyk replied:
“If you cross the street on a red light, you will receive a fine. But if you cross on green, you are entitled to do so, because those are the rules.”
Maślak pressed the issue:
“A moment earlier, excuse me, but the documents disclosed by Minister Błaszczak had also been declassified.”
Tomczyk responded:
“No, they had not. That is precisely the problem and the reason for the charges. Had Mariusz Błaszczak followed the entire procedure step by step, obtained positive opinions from the General Staff and all other relevant bodies regarding the declassification of the documents, and had those documents genuinely been historical, there would have been no problem. As for the actions we are dealing with now, everything is taking place step by step and in accordance with procedure. Documents can, of course, be declassified, and they may be declassified by the person who classified them—in this case, the minister of national defence.”
Maślak asked further:
“General Roman Polko says it is not a good idea to mix strategic issues, namely Poland’s security, with the state’s day-to-day politics.”
Tomczyk replied:
“I understand General Polko’s perspective, and I hold him in very high regard. I believe that in this case there was no other option. When we weigh two competing interests—because we also discussed this and had considered it earlier—the scale of disinformation that is destroying Polish public life today, the constant lying by all these Błaszczaks and Czarneks, is staggering. It must be confronted with facts. Certain matters must be settled once and for all. Just look at the entire discussion surrounding the transfer of Patriot missiles to Ukraine. We heard PiS politicians claim that entire systems had been transferred, that it was 200, 500 or some other unknown number, and that Poland had deprived itself of its capabilities. Today we know, because the defence minister disclosed it, that we are talking about several missiles—several missiles among the ‘hundreds’ of various platforms possessed by Poland—in order to save Ukraine at this crucial moment.”
The first blow to our security
Maślak may be one of the last regime journalists willing to lend his face to this propaganda spectacle. This expert on the “Democratic Coalition” did not even flinch when Tomczyk claimed—as follows directly from the conversation—that within a single day, between Saturday and 3:24 p.m. on Sunday, Kosiniak-Kamysz had “followed the entire procedure step by step and obtained positive opinions from the General Staff and all other bodies regarding the declassification of the documents.”
It is obvious that, in disclosing sensitive data about Polish support for Ukraine, Kosiniak-Kamysz did not complete any such procedure, for the simple reason that no such procedure exists. It was invented in order to target Deputy Prime Minister Błaszczak. The Classified Information Protection Act clearly states that the authorised person may declassify a document and that no permissions or consultations are required.
The problem, however, is far more serious. The operation conducted by all these Kosiniak-Kamyszes, Tusks and Tomczyks is intended to conceal and blur what they have done: they transferred an exceptionally scarce weapon to Ukraine.
Bosak told Defence24 that Poland should not have transferred even a single PAC-3 MSE missile to Ukraine because these are the only missiles capable of intercepting Russian Iskanders. He also correctly stated that Poland does not possess sufficient stocks of the most advanced interceptor missiles.
According to available data, Poland ordered 208 PAC-3 MSE missiles in the first batch. We currently have two Patriot batteries, comprising a total of 16 launchers. We are due to receive another six batteries by 2029.
Russia currently has a reserve of 200 Iskander-M and 110 Iskander-K missiles. However, Russia’s monthly production exceeds 60 Iskander-M missiles and approximately 20 Iskander-K missiles. Bosak points out that Poland does not possess a sufficient stockpile of PAC-3 MSE missiles. As he noted:
“Two hundred is not a large number at all. If we had thousands of these missiles, one could say that several would make no difference. But when there are only two hundred, several may represent a few percent.”
He stressed that parliament should receive information about equipment removed from the inventories of the Polish Armed Forces and about plans to restore those capabilities:
“We cannot be left guessing. We must know.”
In his view, particularly sensitive information may remain classified, but basic data concerning the value and type of transferred weapons should be subject to parliamentary scrutiny.
According to information disclosed by the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, the US military would require between 42 and 53 months—almost four and a half years—to replenish its PAC-3 MSE stocks after the war with Iran. Before the conflict, the United States possessed 2,330 Patriot missiles, and more than 1,430 were used during the operation. Lockheed Martin currently produces more than 600 annually.
There is also a long queue for these weapons, comprising not only the US military but also allied forces. Even if Poland receives new Patriot batteries, they will remain useless because we cannot expect new missile deliveries for many years. In such circumstances, every missile is worth its weight in gold.
The second blow to our security
Poland has two operational Patriot batteries assigned to the 37th Air Defence Missile Squadron in Sochaczew. They achieved combat readiness in December 2025. Weakening their combat capabilities is a political crime.
It is all the more shocking because, after several PAC-3 MSE missiles had already been transferred to Ukraine, Tusk announced in the Financial Times on April 24 that Russia could attack NATO within months. At the same time, he cast doubt on US guarantees under Article 5, thereby publicly questioning the “loyalty” of Poland’s most important ally.
He simultaneously called for “strengthening the EU’s mutual defence clause.” Tusk told the Financial Times that “the biggest and most important question for Europe is whether the United States is ready to be as loyal as described in our [NATO] treaties.”
Announcing to the entire world that Donald Tusk questions the credibility of Poland’s alliance with the United States severely undermines our security. His words were widely discussed around the world.
Tusk staged this performance less than two months after German Chancellor Friedrich Merz published a provocative article in Foreign Affairs on February 13, entitled “How to Prevent the Tragedy of Great-Power Politics,” in which he argued that Germany would take over communication with the United States on Europe’s behalf.
Following Tusk’s comments to the Financial Times, President Karol Nawrocki, commander-in-chief of the Polish Armed Forces, immediately sent a letter to the prime minister demanding hard intelligence and an explanation of what measures had been taken to prepare Poland for a worst-case scenario.
He stated emphatically:
“As for the prime minister’s widely discussed interview, it must clearly be regarded as harmful to Poland. As commander-in-chief of the armed forces, I remain in constant contact with Polish generals, who were also surprised by the prime minister’s remarks. Frightening Poles with war when the commander-in-chief has received no such information is deeply irresponsible. Attacking our strategic ally, the United States, and undermining the provisions of the North Atlantic Alliance must be regarded as highly irresponsible and foolish.”
The madness of Tusk’s team
Today, we know that the transfer of the PAC-3 MSE missiles took place behind the backs of the president and parliament.
Seeking to rescue himself from political disaster, Kosiniak-Kamysz wrote on Tuesday, July 7, that “the president’s circle is lying by claiming that President Nawrocki knew nothing about the equipment transferred to Ukraine.”
He explained that the issue had been discussed at meetings of the Council of Ministers’ National Security Committee, attended by a representative of the National Security Bureau, on February 10 and 17 and March 24. He added that the head of the Presidential Chancellery, Zbigniew Bogucki, had also received the information, while “NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte discussed it with Karol Nawrocki himself.”
“In whose interest are you lying?” Kosiniak-Kamysz asked.
He received a firm response from the head of state:
“Mr Prime Minister (…), you astonish me. I discuss many matters with you, Prime Minister Donald Tusk and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, in various forums, often without reaching any conclusions. I do not later claim that we agreed on something. You made the decision, so please face it like a man. I can, however, help—I will put forward a legislative initiative and will gladly assume full responsibility, including for the donation of military equipment,” the president stated.
The facts are shocking: on the one hand, Tusk frightened Poles with the prospect of an imminent war that could break out within months, while on the other, he was dismantling our ability to defend ourselves against Russian ballistic weapons.
Worse still, in May Tusk publicly declared that Poland “would not poach American troops” withdrawn from Germany, which was interpreted as a lack of political will to increase the US presence in Poland.
That is why the disclosure of the PAC-3 MSE transfer to Ukraine terrified Tusk: it is further evidence of the extent to which he is gambling with the lives of Poles. Combined with the collapse of the healthcare system, it forms a coherent picture.
But let us recall another dramatic event, when more than 20 Russian drones attacked Poland during the night of September 9–10 last year.
It was an unprecedented event in NATO’s long history. Poland, as an Alliance member, used weapons on its own territory to eliminate a threat.
Yet instead of using the incident to launch a massive information offensive against Russia, Tomczyk—Tusk’s right-hand man and Kosiniak-Kamysz’s supervisor at the Ministry of National Defence—caused an enormous international scandal. We severely undermined our credibility among our allies and made NATO look ridiculous.
As Sławomir Mentzen said at the time:
“Polish Deputy Minister Bosacki displayed a photograph of this house at the UN, claiming that it had been destroyed by a Russian drone. We now know that the house was destroyed by a Polish missile. This government is making Poland look ridiculous, disinforming its own public—including the president and the National Security Council—and handing Russia an advantage. After this blunder, it will be more difficult for the world to believe that the drones really were Russian. So who is Putin’s useful idiot here?”
Tomczyk, who was responsible for this enormous embarrassment for Poland, faced no consequences.
Poland up to the Vistula
The great deception by Tusk, Tomczyk and Kosiniak-Kamysz concerning the PAC-3 MSE missiles, together with their attempt to cover it up using propaganda tricks, revealed another terrifying issue: the accusation brought against Prime Minister Błaszczak for revealing the truth about the barbarity of Tusk’s first government.
Even then, Kosiniak-Kamysz was stripped of his moral backbone.
As a society, we have already gone through one phase of Tusk’s attempts to impose order. Its symbol became the infamous “Plan for the Use of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland Warta-00101,” approved by Edmund Klich in 2011 in accordance with the political directives of Donald Tusk’s government.
As we know, the plan assumed that the strategic defensive line against Russian aggression would run along the Vistula and Wieprz rivers. Within seven days, Russian armoured forces were expected to occupy the whole of eastern Poland.
Tusk’s team treated the people living in those regions as second-class citizens. Tusk’s government intended to surrender those areas almost without a fight, which, in the event of Russian aggression, would have meant the mass extermination of the population.
During the election campaign in Piła, without being asked, Tusk stated:
“Certain qualities are so highly valued in Pomerania and Greater Poland because we were more strongly influenced by Western culture. You know, perhaps what Polish politics really needs today is basic order.”
Tusk’s statement in Piła, suggesting that he values those parts of Poland subjected to German occupation more highly because they were supposedly more civilised, reveals the deeper nature of this Berlin envoy’s appalling attitude towards Poles.
In this context, the plan to defend Poland along the Vistula became evidence of the moral collapse of this pro-German team.
But Tusk also bears a personal grudge against the residents of this part of Poland, because it was in those regions that his party received its lowest electoral support.
In his diary entry dated September 30, 1939, Joseph Goebbels wrote:
“The Führer wants to divide the conquered territories into three zones: 1. The old German territory: it will once again be completely Germanised (…) 2. The zone up to the Vistula. The good Polish element will live there (…) 3. The zone: the territory adjacent to the [eastern] bank of the Vistula (…) There we will force the worst Polish element and the Jews, including those from the Reich.”
After 1795, Prussia had two options: recognise the cultural identity of Poles and build a state together with them, or radically assimilate them.
It was then that the Prussians recognised “Polishness” as their fundamental threat. They also created the stereotype of a “savage country” that had been granted the privilege of being civilised by the “German spirit.”
This stereotype of a backward and morally corrupt nation was reinforced in Prussian literature and later became part of the historical identity of Prussian Germany. It is difficult to find a Prussian politician or scholar who did not share this aggressive hostility towards Poland and Polishness.
The words spoken by Tusk in Piła contain the essence of the stereotype of a resident of Greater Poland—and of a Pole—that Berlin had been constructing since the partitions of Poland.
The Prussians, or Germans, created an entire body of literature intended to perpetuate among successive generations of Germans the belief in their racial superiority over Poles.
At the heart of the culture created by the Prussians was hatred of Poles.
The founding novel of the entire genre that created this Prussian-invented image of the Pole was Gustav Freytag’s Soll und Haben, published in 1855 and known in Polish as Winien i ma.
At the time, it was almost as popular as Mein Kampf would later become.
As Grzegorz Kucharczyk points out:
“Entire generations of Germans were brought up on it.”
Its plot is set in Greater Poland in 1846. One of its characters states:
“We and the Slavs are engaged in an ancient struggle. And we feel with pride that education, willingness to work and credit are on our side.”
The main character says of Poles:
“It is remarkable how incapable they are of developing a class that produces civilisation and progress and that is able to elevate a mob of scattered farmers to the level of a state.”
This narrative, intended to prove that Poles were incapable of maintaining their own statehood and that their only role was to serve their Prussian masters faithfully, became deeply embedded by Prussia in the German mentality.
Goebbels wrote in his memoirs:
“The Führer’s opinion of the Poles is devastating. More animals than human beings, completely dull and amorphous. (…) The filth among the Poles is unimaginable. Their capacity for reasoning is also equal to zero.”
Tusk’s hatred of Błaszczak stems precisely from the fact that Błaszczak exposed the true nature of his attitude towards Poland and the Polish people.