The issue of Poland’s relationship with the United States shapes not only Poland’s foreign policy but also its domestic affairs. Accusing Poles of servility toward Washington is meant as a scare tactic to dampen enthusiasm for building this alliance. Worse still, only a small part of the alliance with the U.S. is durable; the rest, largely due to changes in American elites, is continually being redefined. On the Polish side, the problem also exists. Still, it is entirely different: Poland has ardent supporters of the alliance and its more or less concealed opponents, who are generally aligned with Germany and Russia. Adding to the confusion is the fact that opponents of cooperation with Washington, in their official narrative, do not advocate closer ties with Berlin or Moscow, but instead speak of Polish or European sovereignty, writes Tomasz Sakiewicz in Gazeta Polska.
Why does Poland need the United States? The U.S. possesses the most powerful military in the world, capable of operating globally. This means that an alliance with the United States can guarantee Poland’s defense against any possible adversary. There is no other army or country ready for such actions, nor will there be for a long time. Should Poland be able to defend itself on its own? It should strive to develop such a capability. But isolation has been the cause of Poland’s greatest defeats. A strong military must be supported by strong alliances.
Poland needs the United States not only for defense. Poland’s national interest lies in building strong political and economic ties both within Central Europe and across the Atlantic. The goal is not only to avoid being conquered by neighboring countries, but also to avoid being dominated by them. In Poland’s concept of independence, the U.S. presence in Europe is crucial for balancing the economic and political influence of the continent’s strongest states. This is evident, for example, in energy policy.
The United States can also support Poland culturally and civilizationally in resisting the transformation of Europe into a closed museum-like entity, where misguided imperial ambitions in Berlin lead to developmental stagnation across all European Union countries.
However, this requires a stable U.S. policy. While American elites generally agree on the need to maintain a military alliance with Poland, a coherent and transparent policy from Washington in other areas remains largely wishful thinking. German elites, regardless of political changes, agree on supporting German lobbying interests (exceptionally toxic) in Poland. It is unclear what exactly the Americans support, and they do so inconsistently. This, in fact, is their main weakness in this part of the world. The actions of the U.S. administration toward Poland are the result of many factors, ultimately creating an impression of a kind of self-destructive policy. The overthrow of the pro-American Morawiecki government by the Biden administration can broadly be seen as political hara-kiri. Biden chose a particularistic view of the world over the global interests of the United States. But Republicans, too, do not always prioritize their allies, preferring to correct mistakes later, forgetting that such mistakes are always too costly.
Poles cannot afford to take offense at reality. The United States, despite its shortcomings, meets the criteria of an ally. Germany does not entirely. In Berlin’s case, one can speak of a rival that attempts to lull vigilance while assuring an alliance. History teaches Poles that Germany can also be an open and brutal enemy. The United States has never been one.
Poles must learn, along with Americans, how to make use of this alliance and how to expand it. This is not a simple matter, and there are many opponents. One can only hope that people on the other side of the ocean think in a similar way.