Because I am an incurable optimist (and lately I even have reasons: we won in court against TVN over the Smolensk falsehood, and I won against Grodzki by stating he was an ordinary bribe-taker), I am beginning to voice a view that will be pleasing to our Readers and Viewers – that the current governing team may collapse somewhat earlier than at the scheduled elections.
It will not collapse because PiS or Confederation want it to, as they do not have enough votes for that, but because Tusk himself may wish it. And when would the Civic Coalition’s leader opt for elections? When he could lose power without elections. I do not know what will happen within Poland 2050, but I do know that things will be constantly happening there, because that project was created to give Tusk power, and some of its architects, particularly those abroad, have changed their minds about him.
Support for the governing camp will decline, and they are unable to change this. Sixty percent of Poles do not want them; forty percent either want them or tolerate them. This proportion will shift, because disappointment will be joined by the natural fatigue that begins to appear after two years in office. Only major successes could stop this. There will be no successes, and TVN will not change that. Pursuing the opposition and TV Republika is a dead end, because it cements the ruling bloc at around 30 percent of active voters. That is a great deal for a party and very little for those in power.
I have been writing this for another week: the opposition must prepare to take power. Otherwise, it will not take it. First, it must have a plan to make the most of the 60 percent dissatisfied with the government. Second, the main goals of Polish policy must be formulated. One of the fundamental issues must be the relationship with the EU. Discontent with the EU is growing in Poland, although the majority of Poles still want to remain in it. A rational solution is to develop projects alongside the EU (with the United States and the United Kingdom) and within it (the Intermarium), without deciding what comes next. This will certainly increase the bargaining position.
Second, reform of the justice system. This must be decisively brought to an end. Third, the development of the media market. Public media can no longer be conceived as a way to offset the dominance of liberal-left outlets. This issue matters not only to me, my colleagues, and the 10 million viewers of TV Republika, but also to Poland’s future. The collusion in the advertising market must be broken, and anti-monopoly tools must be genuinely activated.
I do not list matters of accountability here, but it is essential to activate mechanisms that will prevent such brazen violations of the Constitution in the future.
An investigation must be conducted into the coup d’état for which several people in this government are responsible. More importantly, however, state institutions must be shaped in such a way that their role is no longer open to challenge. And I ask for a draft of a new Constitution.