The TV Republika portal has obtained new hate-filled ads targeting Karol Nawrocki. This time, the “All-Poland Women’s Strike” has invested in two costly sponsored campaigns on Facebook, portraying a vision of “catastrophic Poland” under PiS rule, should Karol Nawrocki win on June 1st. The visuals frighten voters with the prospect of Przemysław Czarnek as Prime Minister, and Jarosław Kaczyński, Mateusz Morawiecki, and Zbigniew Ziobro as pillars of a 2027 government. The issue is that the Women’s Strike is not a registered electoral committee, yet it is conducting a full-fledged political campaign – according to data from META’s Ad Library – already been viewed 300,000 times over the past three days. Where are the National Electoral Commission and supervisory authorities?
Ads titled “DO YOU WANT THIS KIND OF POLAND?!” – What exactly is shown?
The first visual, published on May 23rd, features a large red headline: “DO YOU WANT THIS KIND OF POLAND?!” On a black background, it shows three politicians: Przemysław Czarnek labelled “PRIME MINISTER 2027,” Karol Nawrocki “PRESIDENT 2025,” and Jacek Sasin “MINISTER 2027.” The composition is simple: close-ups on a black background, contrasted with bold fonts designed to hit the viewer with a horror-poster effect.
The second version, “GOVERNMENT 2027,” goes even further. Above the same slogan “DO YOU WANT THIS KIND OF POLAND?!” appears a gallery of nine right-wing politicians – from Jarosław Kaczyński, Mateusz Morawiecki, Zbigniew Ziobro to Antoni Macierewicz. At the centre is Joanna Lichocka’s raised hand, recalling her infamous “Lichocka gesture” from 2020 – a symbolic middle finger to opponents. The background is black, and red screams “GOVERNMENT 2027.” The whole thing is designed to incite fear of PiS returning to power.
Reach and Money
According to META Ads Manager, both campaigns combined have already reached over 300,000 views since May 21st. The cost? For the first ad, the platform estimates a cost range of 100–199 PLN with 20–25 thousand impressions. The second – significantly better funded – cost 800–899 PLN, generating 250–300 thousand views. This means that in just two days, the Women’s Strike spent nearly 1,000 PLN on anti-Nawrocki agitation, reaching hundreds of thousands of internet users – right in the final days of the campaign.
But this is only the latest phase of a broader operation. As previously revealed, during the first round of the presidential race, the organization spent at least 18,000 PLN on anti-PiS materials, as confirmed by the META Ad Library. In total, we’re talking tens of thousands of PLN spent outside the official limits imposed on candidates and their committees.
The Law Is Clear: Only a Committee May Campaign
According to Article 106 §1 of the Electoral Code, “electoral agitation may be conducted by any electoral committee and any voter” – but only at their own expense, directly, and without exceeding the bounds of ordinary, individual expression. When paid campaigns are involved, this becomes professional electoral advertising. Chapter 15 of the Electoral Code applies: expenses must be borne by a committee, from an election account, within set limits, and must be reported to the National Electoral Commission (PKW).
In a ruling from September 26, 2018, the PKW clearly stated that “purchasing ad space in social media by a third party constitutes election campaign financing which – if it supports a specific candidate – must be disclosed in the financial report of the committee.”
The Women’s Strike is not Rafał Trzaskowski’s committee. Yet, it displays materials with an unambiguous message: “We’re going ***** *** on June 1st!” – a censored slogan encoding the vulgar phrase “F*** PiS.” This blatant financing of ads attacking Candidate A (Nawrocki) clearly benefits Candidate B (Trzaskowski). Therefore, the matter should be investigated by the National Electoral Commission.
“This is yet another series of ads directly attacking Karol Nawrocki while indirectly supporting Rafał Trzaskowski. Before the first round alone, the All-Poland Women’s Strike spent 18,000 PLN on similar materials, as reported in my May report. The scale of the phenomenon and the potential for bypassing current election regulations should be investigated by the PKW,”
comments Piotr Okulski, a strategic communication expert from the Observatory of Economic Development and Democracy.
#PILNE | Kolejne reklamy agitacyjne niezwiązane z komitetem wyborczym, a bezpośrednio wspierające Rafała Trzaskowskiego. Tym razem nowe hejterskie kreacje zostały przygotowane przez "Ogólnopolski Strajk Kobiet", które są wyświetlane od wczoraj. Łącznie obie te zostały od 21 maja… pic.twitter.com/pEiXeBa9lO
— Piotr Okulski (@Piotr_Okulski) May 24, 2025
Political Context: Leveling the “Poll Numbers” Before Round Two
Polls indicate a razor-thin margin between the contenders. Both rivals enter the final stretch with around 47–48% support, with a few percent of voters still undecided. In some polls, Rafał Trzaskowski is starting to trail his opponent, Karol Nawrocki. In other words – any mobilizing impulse can tip the scales.
For Trzaskowski’s campaign team, some of the most valuable voters are young women from large cities – exactly the segment that the Women’s Strike has mobilized for years. It’s no surprise that sponsored OSK posts most often appear in this demographic. META allows for precise ad targeting by gender, age, and location – a perfect tool for “softly” bypassing the upper spending limits assigned to the official candidate committee.
Reactions – or Lack Thereof
So far, the National Electoral Commission remains silent. The Ministry of Digital Affairs, which oversees NASK, has also not responded, despite the hashtag #TrzaskNASK – popularized by users criticizing the Women’s Strike and other ambiguously funded ad campaigns – explicitly suggesting that the state operator should combat illegal agitation.
Liberal media are also silent – although in other contexts they loudly condemn “dark money” and “troll farms.” Here, we have a clear example of a civic organization using private funds to influence election outcomes, without disclosing funding sources and bypassing limits and reporting procedures.
This is a test of whether Polish institutions can keep up with the digital reality of modern election campaigns. If not, each subsequent election will be increasingly dominated by a haze of “independent” NGOs and foundations – in practice, acting as informal propaganda arms of opposition parties.
Fear-Based and Demonizing Messaging
The emotional mechanism used in OSK’s spots is straightforward:
- Personalizing fear – replacing abstract slogans with concrete faces and roles: “Czarnek – Prime Minister,” “Kaczyński – Deputy PM,” “Ziobro – Minister of Justice.”
- Black background and red font – classic alarm colours associated with danger.
- Time countdown – the date “2027” creates a sense of inevitability: “if you don’t act now, this will come true.”
- Vulgar rallying cry – the censored “***** ***” reinforces extremely negative sentiment toward PiS while creating a sense of community among the “initiated.”
This kind of communication – not aimed at convincing with programs but at inciting fear – is a textbook case of “negative campaigning.” In Poland, it is legal as long as conducted by an authorized entity and funded from a transparent source.