Dear Mr. Speaker of the Sejm, Madam Speaker of the Senate, Mr. President of the Council of Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen, Vice-Presidents of the Council of Ministers, Members of the Sejm and Senate, Ladies and Gentlemen Ministers, Ladies and Gentlemen, Presidents of the Constitutional Tribunal, the Supreme Court, the Supreme Administrative Court, Members of Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Senate, Ladies and Gentlemen of the European Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen, Generals and Officers, Your Excellencies, all distinguished guests, and Dear Compatriots.
One year after the parliamentary elections, I decided to exercise my constitutional prerogative and deliver an address to the Sejm. I believe that, on the one hand, it is necessary to take stock of everything that has been done or omitted, and, on the other hand, to remind ourselves of the fundamental challenges and goals facing the Republic today. The best time to conduct this review is a year after the parliamentary elections. Poles deserve to have their affairs—the affairs that are most important for their families—addressed seriously. Matters on which their, and perhaps especially their children’s and grandchildren’s, well-being depends should be treated with utmost seriousness.
Ladies and Gentlemen, first of all, let us address safety. Security must be removed from the current political disputes—whether party disputes or inter-party disputes. I always emphasize this. Especially since the issue of security has become absolutely paramount for all nations and states in our part of Europe and the world. It is a matter of fundamental importance today. Ensuring security is one of the most important tasks of every government and authority. Poland faces challenges that require particularly responsible and firm decisions, especially when a full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine is taking place behind our eastern border and Putin’s Russia is constantly making threats against NATO countries, including, for example, Poland.
Therefore, the rapid modernization and expansion of our armed forces is an absolute necessity today. As President, I have supported and will continue to support all measures that strengthen our defense potential and military security. After 2015, a number of extremely important decisions were made in this regard. We expand our army and implement strategic arms contracts that are crucial for the future of our armed forces. The acquisition of modern equipment, including Patriot missile defense systems, F-35 and FA-50 fighter jets, HIMARS and Hummel rocket artillery, Krab K9 howitzers, K2 tanks, and Abrams tanks, represents just some of the most well-known measures taken alongside the formation of new divisions and the establishment of the Territorial Defense Forces by the ministers of national defense of the United Right governments, Antoni Macierewicz and Mariusz Błaszczak. These were fundamentally important, landmark decisions, the first of which, I remind you, were made even before Russia carried out its full-scale aggression against Ukraine—although this aggression effectively began in 2014. These decisions set an extremely ambitious but absolutely necessary line for the modernization process, which is clearly visible today. Recently, after the change of the ruling camp, a spectacular contract was signed for the purchase of Apache attack helicopters, as well as a contract for the supply of Kleszcz light armored reconnaissance transporters for the Polish Army, manufactured at our domestic armaments plants. These are examples of the good continuation of this ambitious modernization line. I welcome the conclusion of these contracts, as well as the continuation of the aforementioned projects that were started during the rule of the United Right.
I have discussed this subject on many occasions with our allies in the United States, including the Presidents of the United States, and also here in Warsaw with the President of Korea. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of National Defence, Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, both for bringing about the signing of these latest contracts and for his good and much-needed cooperation in the area of security. I also consider the program initiated by Minister Kosiniak-Kamysz for modern individual equipment for soldiers to be very important so that, as I have said many times over the years, the Polish soldier can serve more safely, his family can feel more at peace, and the likelihood of his returning home safe and sound will be greater, allowing us to perform our duties better and more effectively. Thank you, Minister. As the President of the Republic of Poland and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, I find it necessary to continue all the modernization programs already initiated in the Polish Army, including those related to the implementation of contracts concluded with companies from South Korea and the United States, and of course also with our Polish domestic companies, of which I hope there will be more and more. Their implementation is and will be not only a great strengthening of our army but also proof that Poland is a reliable partner in the international arena. We have no time to lose; we must act. This is the requirement of the present and the future. We can be proud that, as Poland, we set an example for other countries by spending more than 4 percent of our GDP and planning to spend 4.7 percent of GDP on defense next year, the highest in the entire North Atlantic Alliance. However, the dangerous times we live in and the threats to global security require bold and far-sighted decisions.
That is why, in March of this year, when we celebrated together the 25th anniversary of our NATO membership, I proposed to increase defense spending by all North Atlantic Alliance countries to at least 3% of their GDP. We realize that these are not easy decisions, but I want to emphasize that I will not shy away from advocating for this solution because it is the only way to keep Europe safe today. The response to Russian imperialism must be to strengthen the armies of the Alliance countries—just as the Alliance was once able to act effectively when there was an Iron Curtain. Behind that Iron Curtain was the Soviet Union, which unfortunately also enslaved us at the time. Thanks to the tough and effective policy of the NATO countries, the countries of the free West succeeded in bringing about the de facto collapse of the Soviet Union, primarily in economic terms, although politically this was achieved thanks to our Solidarity movement and the heroism of my parents’ generation. This must not be forgotten.
However, Ladies and Gentlemen, security is not only about strengthening our army; it is also about defending our borders. Since 2021, Poland has been the target of a massive hybrid attack on our borders, controlled by Belarusian and Russian services. Thanks to the decisive actions of Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki’s government and the efforts of our border guards, soldiers, police officers, and other service personnel, we have clearly shown that Poland is capable of ensuring the security of its borders and, importantly, the borders of the European Union and the Schengen Area. There has never been any doubt that before the outbreak of war in Ukraine, it was Russia that was testing the resilience of the Polish border and the efficiency of the Polish state.
As President, I have always sided with Polish officers and soldiers and will always stand up for their good name, regardless of the consequences. I am glad that the government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his political camp, currently in power in Poland, have finally joined the defenders of the border of the Republic. However, when the vote was taken here in the Sejm on the construction of the dam on the border, only members of the Polish People’s Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe) from the then-opposition voted in favor of its construction. At that time, the majority of the then-opposition, and those who are in power today, attacked the Border Guard and the military, mocked the defenders of Poland’s borders, and supported celebrities who insulted and humiliated officers. Now there has been a 180-degree change. But, Ladies and Gentlemen, I want to stress this: better late than never. However, it is important to remember that you have never apologized for your outrageous words and actions. Today, in matters of security, you often try to lecture those who were right from the very beginning. I must tell you that I was surprised to hear the Prime Minister’s recent announcement that he would withdraw from granting political asylum in Poland. This would allegedly lead to the defense of the border against a hybrid attack, as I understand it. Well, Ladies and Gentlemen, you were wrong then, and I am afraid you are also wrong now. The Prime Minister’s announcement in recent days not to grant political asylum will not serve to seal our border or reduce illegal immigration. Instead, everything points to the fact that it will prevent representatives of, for example, the Belarusian political opposition from taking refuge in Poland. After all, Poland has been, is, and I hope will continue to be, a country of freedom and solidarity.
Poland has a centuries-long tradition of supporting the freedom aspirations of other nations and providing shelter to people who are fighting for freedom. Meanwhile, under the changes announced by the Prime Minister, many individuals harassed by the Lukashenko regime will not be able to take refuge in Poland. Let us put it bluntly: Putin and Lukashenko are trying to destabilize the situation on our border with the European Union, and your response to this is to deprive those whom Putin and Lukashenko are imprisoning and persecuting of a safe haven. This seems to be a grave mistake.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the people of Poland want a dynamically developing country. They want a government that pursues ambitious, modern projects that keep with the times and the challenges of the future. They seek a far-sighted policy. I spoke about it from this place a year ago. We want a Poland that develops its potential, where well-paid jobs are created for our citizens—a Poland that will compete successfully in various areas of the economy with other countries, including the most powerful ones. For this to happen, however, we need a far-sighted development policy and major infrastructure investments that will become the flywheel of our country’s growth. As a large country on a European scale, these major undertakings, which must be spread over many years and often decades, require an agreement that goes beyond the horizon of one, two, or even three parliamentary terms. That is why I convened a Cabinet Council in February of this year, entirely devoted to the need for Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government to continue the major strategic investments already begun by the United Right government. When I convened the Council, I was guided by the concern that these development investments—undoubtedly expected by Poles and necessary in Poland regardless of political sympathies—should not be stopped or abandoned.
Poland cannot afford to miss the opportunity to further delay infrastructure investments because our future ambitions depend on them. Poland must be a modern country that not only will not allow itself to be overtaken by others but will also catch up with the richest countries in the European Union in terms of wealth. Those who boldly set their sights on development will succeed. Unfortunately, what is happening today—or perhaps it would be better to say, what is not happening—arouses not only my concern but also the concern of millions of Poles. The best proof of this is the public campaign “Yes, for CPK.” It is more than a gesture of impatience; it is a voice of exasperation directed at those in power who are wasting a historic opportunity for a quantum leap in the civilizational development of our homeland. The realization of projects such as the construction of the Central Communication Port, together with a network of railway connections, the container port in Świnoujście, the construction of Polish nuclear power plants, and the expansion of ports in Gdańsk and Gdynia should be the absolute priority of the government of the Republic of Poland, including Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government. The Central Port of Communications is an enormous infrastructural undertaking that will not only make Poland an important—or even a key—transport hub in our part of Europe but will also create thousands of new jobs. The CPK is a symbol of our drive for modernity, representing our ambition not only to keep up with change but also to create the conditions to stay ahead of it. Our coast, the Baltic coast of Poland, has enormous potential that we must fully exploit. Let us invest in the development of our ports so that they become modern logistics centers that will serve trade not only within Europe but beyond.
Modern ports ultimately mean a strong economy, and Poland, thanks to its geographical location, has the chance to become one of the key players in international trade. If anyone needs proof that this is possible, they should look at how dynamically successive countries are participating in the Three Seas Initiative, at the center of which is Poland. Just look at the figures announced this morning on road construction in Poland. I would also like to stress with satisfaction that, according to the General Directorate-General, there are over 1,600 km of modern roads currently under construction in Poland, in addition to all those that have already been completed. May these roads, Ladies and Gentlemen, along with the developing ports, be another accelerator of our economic development and a further element that will promote the wealth of our country and society.
Poland needs stable sources of energy that will power our economy for decades to come, meet the requirements of the energy transition, and, above all, satisfy the climate protection demands of Europe and the world. This is why we need to invest in the construction of nuclear power plants. This step is crucial for achieving energy independence in the face of global climate and geopolitical challenges. Nuclear power plants are the future of the Polish energy sector; they will provide us with clean and stable energy, independent of external suppliers. They are, in short, indispensable if we are to develop sustainably and meet our ever-increasing needs. Ladies and Gentlemen, all possible analyses, expert reports, calculations, simulations, and forecasts have already been conducted—many times at the request of probably all successive governments and parties in power, including the current one. So, it is time to act at last, because that is what Poles expect. Poles who know their worth, who have pride and aspirations, and who no longer want to be ashamed of their country’s civilizational backwardness. The world, Europe, and our region are not standing still. Our neighbors, the Czechs, are actively investing in nuclear power. The Hungarians are creating their version of a Central Transport Port, and similar news is coming from our near neighbor Austria. Germany is developing transport hubs.
These are the last moments to take this issue seriously and to make it happen. Poland’s nuclear power plants, the Central Transport Port, and the development and expansion of our ports are investments not just for years but for decades. They go far beyond the time horizon of any one government. They will serve us and future generations of our compatriots, but only if they are realized.
Ladies and Gentlemen, it must be said in all honesty, looking at what has been happening over the past year, that matters of major investment have clearly not become a priority for the current government. Rather the opposite, unfortunately. The circumstances show that these issues have been pushed into the background. The state’s energy and resources, instead of being channeled into ambitious plans, have been diverted into organizing witch hunts that satisfy some—excuse me—lowest instincts. Ladies and Gentlemen, this task may be easier, but it contributes absolutely nothing to Poland’s development. On the contrary, it divides society and perpetuates existing divisions. You are wasting your energy on media spectacles in front of commissions of inquiry that have not really established anything, instead of concentrating on what is most important to Poles: namely, building a modern state and creating the conditions for raising living standards while ensuring the security of citizens. And it is not only about military security but also about energy security, health security, and food security.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the last decade has, fortunately, been for the most part a time of spectacular development for Poland. To a large extent, this was the result of courageous and responsible decisions taken by the governments of the United Right, made during a time of serious challenges facing Poland, Europe, and indeed the world. It was thanks to such decisions during the COVID-19 pandemic that it was possible to save tens or even hundreds of thousands of jobs, as well as to mitigate the tsunami of prices in the energy market triggered by Russian aggression against Ukraine in the spring of 2022. But it was also due to the great responsibility and wisdom of millions of Poles—workers and entrepreneurs—that we managed to overcome problems and succeed, and in particular, to show the beautiful, noble face of our nation when we welcomed millions of Ukrainian refugees into our homes. This is a credit to our entire society, and once again, I thank you for this. Despite the upheavals, the government of the day kept up to date with all financial commitments and social programmes undertaken. Importantly, it created additional programmes to support senior citizens and those most in need, paying out the 13th and 14th pensions. Poland proved to be financially stable and efficient. It is safe to say today that we did much better than other countries in our region at the time. Meanwhile, tell me: what has happened over the past year since the previous parliamentary elections that has led to such a dramatic increase in the budget deficit? Why the sudden alarming news about the state of public finances occured? Why are the previously record profits of state-owned companies now plummeting? Does all this mean that we are awaiting a return to the philosophy of governance in force during the previous governments of Prime Minister Donald Tusk, under the slogan, “There is no money, and there will be no money”?
Ladies and Gentlemen, these are the questions that Poles have been asking themselves recently, and they have the right to expect answers. The seriousness of the situation is evidenced by the information recently presented by the Ministry of Health about plans to close hospitals or their wards and reduce the availability of medical services for financial reasons; the government bears full responsibility for this. This is an unacceptable situation. No patient should be left without the necessary assistance on such an important issue as health security, and Poles deserve full and transparent information. The appropriate place for the government to present this information honestly is in this room, just as it is the right venue to propose remedies to ensure that the health security of Poles is not endangered. I have no doubt that our society urgently awaits this. Ladies and Gentlemen, I said here almost a year ago that, as President, I declare my full willingness to cooperate with the new Parliament on all matters important to Poles. I repeated the same to the Prime Minister and his ministers. I am glad that the Prime Minister was able, during the flood crisis, to not only get involved, which was very much needed, but also to see my outstretched hand and to act together in appointing a Government Plenipotentiary for Disaster Recovery and Flood Damage. This proves that where the government shows a good will to cooperate, we can achieve a lot of good together. I trust that the measures taken by the government will provide real and effective help for all those affected by the floods, which is especially urgent now, in autumn, before winter. At this point, I would also like to thank the Minister for Agriculture, Czesław Siekierski, for his personal declaration—made during this year’s Presidential Harvest Festival—concerning a programme of aid for farms affected this year by drought, hail, and other natural disasters, including flooding. This aid is greatly anticipated by farmers and is essential to maintaining the stability of family farms, which are the foundation of our food security.
Thank you, Minister.
Unfortunately, in addition to these very positive examples, which must be appreciated on the part of the government, there are also many important Polish cases in which there has been, and continues to be, a lack of goodwill. I deeply regret this. This is perfectly illustrated by the situation related to the ambassadors of the Republic of Poland, who were suddenly summoned to Warsaw and prevented from representing Poland. I am referring to the situation when, on the 25th anniversary of Poland’s accession to NATO, after our meeting at the White House—where, together with the Prime Minister, we were supposed to show unity in the most important matters, especially international ones—the Prime Minister suddenly announced that over 50 ambassadors were to be recalled. Meanwhile, the Constitution of the Republic of Poland clearly states the interaction between the government and the President in matters of foreign policy, an interaction that involves, among other things, agreeing on candidates for ambassadors, who are appointed by the President of the Republic of Poland under the Constitution. This good practice has been in force for the last 35 years and involves the President’s preliminary opinion on ambassador candidates before the entire procedure begins, particularly before the nomination is referred to parliamentary committees. It showed cooperation in the conduct of foreign policy between the government, the Sejm, and the President and was a sign of our common position on the international stage. Prime Minister Tusk’s government has decided to break this rule. Therefore, it is the government that bears full responsibility for the fact that Poland today has reduced diplomatic representation in many countries and that Polish diplomatic missions have a limited capacity to act as a result. By sending an ambassador to a country and appointing the head of the post there, the government is showing that there is no agreement on this matter in Poland, weakening our country’s position in relations with key partners. Yes, Ladies and Gentlemen, that is exactly right.
Who Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government is planning to send to the extremely important posts for Poland remains a separate issue in this context. These include graduates of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, the so-called MGiMO, a post-Soviet university that has been penetrated by Russian secret services since its inception and is a source of key agents around the world. As students from many countries have studied there, those who graduated from this Soviet university formed the foundation of the diplomatic apparatus of the communist Polish People’s Republic (PRL)—an apparatus that participated in the enslavement of all of us free citizens of the Republic and of our country. Today, people from the same academy are supposed to represent us abroad, alongside members of the so-called Conference of Ambassadors. Allow me to quote the position of the Conference of Ambassadors from 2021, expressed when the hybrid attack on our eastern border was just underway. Well, Ladies and Gentlemen, I quote. Listen carefully: “The situation on the border with Belarus is becoming disgraceful for Poland and its citizens, especially as it is beginning to meet the hallmarks of a crime against humanity. The 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the Ambassadors of the Republic of Poland write, states that acts that are crimes under international law are punishable regardless of the regulations of national law. If the politicians, officials, officers, or soldiers responsible for the above-mentioned actions are not appealed to on humanitarian and moral grounds, we would like to remind you that international crimes do not have a statute of limitations; they can be prosecuted in any democratic country, and acting on orders when the executors are not in a life-threatening situation is no excuse. The execution of an unlawful order can and absolutely must be refused.” Here ends the quote from the 2021 Conference of Ambassadors. Ladies and Gentlemen, defending the border of the Republic is a crime against humanity? Really? Exhorting officers to refuse to obey orders while defending the border of the Republic and the European Union is responsible behavior? Could this have been written by Polish diplomats? After all, it is a disgrace. It is a disgrace. And the Prime Minister now wants a whole host of these people to represent Poland at key posts. Prime Minister, I do not agree to this. I will never agree to it.
Ladies and Gentlemen, during the inaugural sitting of the Sejm, I spoke of a great success: the strength of Polish democracy, demonstrated by the fact that 74% of eligible voters—almost 22 million Poles—took part in the elections. However, I also stressed that these 22 million votes represent a significant obligation and a substantial task for the new Sejm, the new parliamentary majority, and the new government. Almost a year on, can we say that this great task has been well accomplished? Unfortunately, it is impossible not to mention matters that are appalling to anyone who cares about the rule of law, democracy, and legal order. This is what lies at the heart of my role as President, as a lawyer, as a doctor of legal sciences, and, finally, simply as a citizen.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I have never questioned the right of the current government and parliamentary majority to carry out reforms. I have never questioned the legitimacy of those reforms. However, today we are operating in what I would call a “resolutionocracy,” where resolutions are being attempted to be elevated to the status of laws. This is, I’m sorry to say, a legal and constitutional heresy that violates the Constitution, which defines the system of sources of law unequivocally. Ladies and Gentlemen, another scandal is the stigmatization of judges who, having been appointed in full compliance with the Constitution and the laws in force, hand down judgments on behalf of the Republic. They are being stigmatized by being called “neo-judges,” a deceitful and deliberately demeaning term. This term is intended to create chaos and confusion and, in essence, intimidate these judges. I spoke about this recently at the Supreme Court, and I will repeat it: I appointed over 3,500 judges who have handed down millions of rulings. I appointed them just as my predecessors, the Presidents of the Republic, appointed them all in turn. These judges have been deciding the lives of Poles for the last few years. They are judges, and the judgments they have issued are in force, are enforced, and are important to the people. Questioning their legal status means, in fact, undermining the very foundation of the state, which is the administration of justice, with all the dramatic social and, above all, personal consequences for citizens.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I am sorry to say, and to remind you, that these politically and ambition-driven actions are all the more despicable when we realize they are often led by prominent representatives of the legal community. This includes those responsible for the fact that, after the fall of communism in Poland, no account was taken of communist judges and those tainted by membership in the Polish United Workers’ Party, who were allowed to remain in the judiciary of free Poland. These were the martial law judges. Today, in free, democratic, sovereign Poland, these same individuals want to vet young judges and force them to express their active regret. They are well aware—and perhaps even hoping—that, in doing so, they will break these judges’ spirits and nullify their independence forever. Shame and disgrace, Ladies and Gentlemen. This is shame and disgrace. It used to be that you lacked the courage to hold communist judges accountable, and now you want to break the backs of the judges of free Poland. I will never agree to this. I want this to be resoundingly clear: in Poland, we have a Constitutional Tribunal, a Supreme Court, a National Council of the Judiciary, and judges appointed by the president in accordance with the Constitution and laws. If there is a problem, it lies with the government, which chooses its own judgments. If a judgment is in the government’s favor, then the government recognizes the court or institution that made that judgment. If not, then that court or institution is dismissed by the government. This is the reality we face today. It could hardly be more hypocritical, especially from those who not long ago were shouting in Brussels about violations of the rule of law and complaining to the world about Poland. Ladies and Gentlemen, the law clearly states that the Minister of Justice needs the consent of the President to dismiss the State Prosecutor. To disregard this requirement is to break the law. Such a breach was committed by the Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice by de facto forcibly preventing Dariusz Barski from performing the functions of the National Prosecutor and unlawfully entrusting these duties to Dariusz Korneluk. Unlawfully. The effect of this situation, which has been unequivocally determined by the Supreme Administrative Court and, a few weeks ago, by the Supreme Court, may undermine prosecutorial actions, indictments, operational checks, and consequently, the inability to punish perpetrators of crimes and compensate their victims. You are aware of this. The Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice bear personal responsibility for this situation. You are fully accountable for the consequences arising from it. Today, in an attempt to justify these acts of lawlessness, Prime Minister Tusk speaks of fighting democracy. Prime Minister, Poles remember that when we had a “people’s democracy” in the People’s Republic of Poland, there was not really any democracy at all. Poles know very well that adjectival democracy is, in fact, a façade—a democracy in name only. The best proof of this is your resolutions and the recent stories of the aforementioned prosecutor regarding the decrees through which the Prime Minister circumvents the law. Hiding behind terms such as “militant democracy” does not change the fact that breaking the law is still breaking the law. Mr. Prime Minister, Poland today does not need any fighting democracy. What Poland needs is a democracy that works well—a simple, functional democracy.
Ladies and Gentlemen, some people are calculating the days remaining in my term of office. I promise you solemnly that until the last moment of my presidency, I will be guided only by the good of our homeland and our citizens. That is exactly right. From the very beginning to the very end. Those of you who are counting the time, especially in the media, until next August, while bearing the smiles of citizens, are committing the sin of pride. They have not yet won the presidential election, and they are already counting down instead of getting down to work for Poland and the Polish people here and now.
Ladies and Gentlemen, remember that Poland is more than power, tenure, and privileges. Power comes and goes; such are the rules of democracy, and that is fine. Poland must endure. Many people forget this. Many forget that Poland is more than 1,050 years of great history and that there are still enormous challenges ahead. I deeply believe in a good future. God bless Poland. Thank you.