Just one day after Donald Tusk assured participants at the Civic Platform convention that only he could defend freedom of speech in Poland, a court convicted journalist Tomasz Duklanowski for exposing the so-called “envelope scandal” involving Senate Speaker Tomasz Grodzki. The bizarre justification for the verdict shows that this is, in fact, a case of political revenge. Once again, we can see that the weaker the “smiling” government becomes, the more ostentatious and aggressive its actions are.
It turns out that Judge Iwona Ramotowska found credible the testimony of a former officer of the Stalinist Security Office (and later the Security Service), who claimed that he had been offered money to “slander” Grodzki. It must be noted that this former secret policeman, while spinning his “revelations,” was unable to provide any verifiable details whatsoever.
Political Retribution Against the Journalist
That, however, did not stop Judge Ramotowska from throwing out the testimonies of a dozen (!) witnesses who confirmed that Tomasz Grodzki had accepted bribes. Naturally, she offered no reasonable explanation as to why the word of a single Stalinist was deemed more credible than the statements of numerous unconnected witnesses. This is a clear act of deliberate ostentation with an obvious political context. But why does the current government need to display such “audacity”?
Let us remember that not long ago it suffered one of its most serious blows in the past two years – the sentencing (in the first instance) of its key figure, Stanisław Gawłowski, to an unconditional prison term. It is no coincidence that almost immediately after that verdict, the prosecution ostentatiously dropped the case of Sławomir Nowak. What has now happened to editor Tomasz Duklanowski is another episode in the same spectacle. The “smiling” establishment could have quietly buried the Grodzki case, but it chose not to. Instead, it is sending a message about its strength — that it can do anything, that it still controls the state, and that it protects its own people. The message is directed both at journalists, warning them not to “get too bold,” and at the ruling party’s allies, reassuring them that they are safe — that Gawłowski is merely the exception proving the rule.
A Bizarre Verdict
It is crucial to note who has been convicted. In Szczecin, Tomasz Duklanowski has become a symbol of resistance against local power networks tied to the Civic Platform (PO). His investigative work exposed numerous pathologies within the party’s upper ranks. He paid a high price for that — it’s enough to recall the vicious campaign mounted by KO and the media against him after the tragic suicide of MP Magdalena Filiks’s son. Duklanowski is clearly the target of a political vendetta, meant to serve as an example of what happens to anyone who dares to challenge Tusk’s people. The authorities could not allow themselves to lose such a case.
The conviction of Duklanowski is meant to have a chilling effect — a safeguard for a weakened government that no longer feels “teflon-coated” and is beginning to fear potential blows. Hence, it launches preemptive attacks. KO kills two birds with one stone: first, it signals that its top brass — like Grodzki, one of its major assets — are untouchable. Second, given Duklanowski’s record, it’s also a message to leave the local PO structures alone: when party figures from Szczecin couldn’t silence an inconvenient journalist, the “central office” from Warsaw did.
A Pattern of Political Justice
The Grodzki affair also recalls another bizarre ruling — this time in the “hate affair” involving the wife of MEP Krzysztof Brejza, who was also his lawyer. The latest victim of a political verdict was journalist Samuel Pereira from wPolsce24 TV. As in Grodzki’s case, the judge inexplicably refused to acknowledge witness testimonies and documentary evidence. The penalty was striking: a 43,000 PLN fine and costly public apologies, effectively amounting to bankruptcy for the journalist.
The Polish Journalists Association’s Press Freedom Monitoring Center has no doubts about the case. It announced that it would petition President Karol Nawrocki for Duklanowski’s pardon, stating:
“This verdict violates the principle of freedom of speech and the right to inform the public about matters of public interest, including the background of political activities by local authorities (…). It is a form of legal repression that stifles public debate and effectively deters journalists from expressing opinions on inconvenient topics.”
The verdicts in the Brejza and Grodzki cases send a clear message to local media and those who might trust them: the authorities can destroy you. There will be no protection. If you challenge entrenched networks — regardless of the political side, though it’s worth noting that Grodzki and Brejza are among the top PO figures — you’ll be silenced. The government is quietly putting a gag on those who dare confront regional corruption and political clans. It intimidates and threatens them. If European NGOs that claim to defend freedom of speech truly had ideals, they would react immediately. But the “ideal” of Amnesty International, the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights, and certainly the Batory Foundation — now practically an arm of KO’s party machine — is loyalty to Tusk and the benefits it brings.
A Bit of Optimism
No description of the repression faced by government-critical journalists would be complete without mentioning the case of Telewizja Republika. What this station has endured over nearly two years perfectly illustrates how degenerate and dangerous KO has become. Since taking power, it has systematically sought to destroy freedom of speech using the methods of Eastern oligarchies. The list of attacks — including physical ones — on Republika journalists is endless. The station’s president himself now faces trial for daring, like Duklanowski, to speak the truth about Grodzki.
Three particular incidents reveal how KO understands media freedom. First, barring Republika journalists from Prime Minister Tusk’s press conferences during the recent floods. Considering that Republika is Poland’s most-watched news channel, Tusk not only violated democratic norms but also denied citizens vital information during a crisis, potentially endangering lives. Second, sending “Strong Together” activists to stage provocations outside the station’s headquarters during the Grand Orchestra of Christmas Charity event — essentially deploying a political street mob against an opposition media outlet, a move straight out of Belarusian playbooks.
Finally, there is the consistent pressure on private companies to block advertising on Republika. This, again, mirrors Eastern-style oligarchic tactics, leading to a grotesque situation: one of Poland’s most-watched news stations is ignored by most advertisers who, in a healthy state, would compete for airtime. In this context, it’s almost a miracle that Republika still functions — thanks only to the dedication of its viewers. And with that optimistic note — proof that, despite all his resources and breaches of democratic rules, Tusk has not managed to achieve his goal — let me end this text.