In 2021–2022, activists from the “Grupa Granica” (Border Group) were involved in an organized human smuggling network, supported among others by Klementyna Suchanow, Bartosz Kramek, and Paweł Kasprzak—figures who have long supported the current ruling political camp. This scandalous international operation—carried out under the media cover of Poland’s post-communist establishment—was an element of the hybrid warfare led by Lukashenko and Putin. Most shockingly, according to the prosecutor’s files, one of the main “safe houses” of the network was a city property in Warsaw governed by Rafał Trzaskowski.
An investigation by the District Prosecutor’s Office in Hajnówka revealed the existence of an organized group whose aim was to facilitate illegal border crossings from Belarus into Poland, primarily by migrants from the Middle East, and to assist their further travel to Western Europe, particularly Germany. The prosecution files indicate the involvement of individuals connected with Grupa Granica, the “Open Dialogue Foundation,” and the “Citizens of the Republic of Poland” movement. Organizers reportedly acted deliberately, covering their tracks and hiding from authorities. Communication took place via encrypted messaging apps like Signal, and migrants were transported in small groups, hidden under blankets and clothes in vehicles.
Five individuals have been charged in the case. Separate charges have been filed against a married couple, Paweł and Justyna W., suspected of aiding illegal border crossings in October 2021.
Key Figures: Suchanow, Kramek, Kasprzak
The names of Klementyna Suchanow, Bartosz Kramek, and Paweł Kasprzak are particularly prominent in the prosecutor’s files. Suchanow, a well-known activist with the Women’s Strike and a parliamentary expert on alleged PiS-era repression and Russian influence (2004–2024), is listed as cooperating with Grupa Granica. Messages exchanged via Signal between Justyna W. and Suchanow indicate the latter’s involvement in organizing migrant transport. Below is a snippet of their conversation:
SMS – JW (25.10.2021, 12:06): “Hi Klementyna. This is Justyna W., I’m contacting you about the border (from Bartek). Do you have Signal?”
SIGNAL – JW: “Bartek Kramek spoke with you about the border action. We need help. To the point: we have to get 9 people to Warsaw today or tomorrow. We’re in Wrocław and will be in Hajnówka tomorrow. We’re transporting one or two people at a time. We need more drivers. We have locations. No drivers. Also, ask Bartek Kramek and maybe Kasprzak for a recommendation for me, so you’re not stressed about some stranger writing to you. And since I imagine you’re already being monitored by assholes, just give me the contact of someone willing to drive. And please delete this after reading.”
SIGNAL – KS: “Yes, I’m on Signal. I’m checking people’s availability. I can provide a contact for an Afghan woman who speaks several languages and recently arrived here, but she has a 3-month-old baby and a five-year-old, so she might only help locally during the day.”
SIGNAL – JW: “Ok, and drivers? Any chance?”
SIGNAL – KS: “So far, only rejections. People are working with Granica—maybe they can find someone?”
SIGNAL – JW: “We’re working with GG. With the underground of the underground of GG. They extract people, but there's no one to transport them.”
“GG” refers to Grupa Granica, an informal organization critical of the United Right government’s “inhumane” treatment of migrants. Notably, the conversation references an “underground of the underground.” A phone belonging to an Iraqi apprehended by Polish authorities contained a chat with someone identified as “Border Group,” who introduced themselves with: “Hello, we are humanitarian activists from Poland.”
When asked by the portal Niezalezna.pl about her role, Suchanow replied: “I’m aware of the new spin titled ‘Suchanow the smuggler,’ but pardon me, this borders on a criminal matter. So before making any comment, I will consult my lawyer.” She denied knowing Justyna W. and described Paweł W. as someone she remembered “from protests in 2017.” Although she didn’t respond to questions from TV Republika, she later told Wysokie Obcasy that the intercepted messages seemed real, but she had no memory of them: “I didn’t understand what that person wanted. I wasn’t part of any aid structure and didn’t know where to refer her. I only remembered Grupa Granica. It was around the time the Taliban entered Afghanistan, and many Afghans were trying to escape. I did meet an Afghan woman in Warsaw who offered translation help for refugees. That’s the only help I could offer. The contact ended, and I know nothing more.”
Bartosz Kramek, affiliated with the “Open Dialogue Foundation,” acted as a coordinator and communicated with Justyna W. He administered a Signal group called “IMPORTANT! Drivers,” used to organize migrant transport. Known for actions sabotaging border infrastructure, he also mediated contacts among network members. In response to media reports, Kramek wrote on X that he was “proud” of his border activities, which he described as humanitarian. He admitted his involvement was limited mostly to organizing and legal support.
Paweł Kasprzak, leader of Citizens of the Republic of Poland, openly admitted to aiding what the prosecution sees as illegal activity. He told Niezalezna.pl: “I helped with what you call smuggling illegal migrants. This is ongoing.” He emphasized the humanitarian nature of his actions but acknowledged that the migrants were largely economic migrants and that he knew he was facilitating their transport to Western Europe. In a message from Paweł W., he said: “What’s the point of such an action? For me, the point is a pin on the map in Stockholm from a Syrian family saying thank you.”
Wolska Street Premises – Trzaskowski’s “Safe House”
One of the most shocking revelations is that the apartment at Wolska 46/48—used by the network as a migrant “safe house”—was rented from the city of Warsaw under preferential conditions. It housed the office of the Free Citizens of the Republic of Poland Foundation, led by Paweł Kasprzak. From 2017 to 2018, Paweł W., now a suspect, was on the board. In a conversation, Paweł W. confirmed the existence of an “emergency office with a bathroom” that could house several people. The property, part of Warsaw’s municipal assets, was leased from 2017–2020 and again from 2020–2023. The use of city-owned property for such purposes raises serious questions about oversight by Mayor Trzaskowski and his administration.
The investigation uncovered a document labelled: “MANUAL for groups transporting people from the death zone.” It included detailed instructions for drivers, e.g., “Pickup point is a private house known as a ‘good house’—address and phone number provided by the coordinator. In emergencies, take the passenger to Citizens of the Republic of Poland HQ at Wolska 46/48 in Warsaw—‘safe house’—contact coordinator. (…) After reading this manual, delete it from your inbox, computer, phone, eat or burn it. Do not forward or show to outsiders.” These types of guidelines indicate a high level of organization and deliberate actions aimed at avoiding criminal liability.
We contacted Paweł Kasprzak to ask him about the premises on Wolska Street. He responded:
“I saw a photo somewhere—maybe on your site—of some kind of instruction that said people could be transported to us at Wolska. Honestly speaking, I very much doubt the authenticity of that photo… although, who would even bother to fake it? So all I can say is that Ukrainian citizens physically stayed there, and only they did. At least to the best of my knowledge, no one else… I don’t recall us ever issuing any such instructions. (…) I doubt we produced that kind of document that the photo showed. I also don’t suspect anyone faked it, so maybe someone really did make it—or maybe we made it ourselves, who the hell knows? I don’t remember. In any case, I’m absolutely certain that only Ukrainians were there. Not once did anyone transport people from the Belarusian border to that place. I am completely sure of that—it did not happen.”
When asked about renting the premises from the city, Kasprzak confirmed:
“We rented it on preferential terms, like all NGO-type entities.”
Professionals at Work
The smuggling operation was professionally organized with a clear hierarchy and detailed operating procedures. Migrants were first recruited in countries like Iraq and Egypt, transported by smugglers such as Galan Masif, Ukrainian citizen J. Sydorczuk, and a man called Ragaz, to Minsk via Istanbul or Moscow. Syrian smuggler Ali Sliman, aka “Mr. Qalaq,” coordinated with Polish activists like Kamila M.
It should be emphasized that the Belarusian border guard—closely linked to Russian intelligence services—facilitated the illegal crossing of the Polish-Belarusian border. This was, as is well known, part of a hybrid war against Poland and the West, and served as a preliminary stage of the military campaign against Ukraine. Migrants, originating mainly from Iraq and Egypt, were able to cross the border only due to tacit approval from the Belarusian side, and in some cases even direct assistance from Belarusian officials. Without this support, migrants would have faced serious obstacles in the form of natural barriers (difficult border terrain, forests, rivers) and intensified patrols by the Polish Border Guard.
It must be stressed: that the purpose of the operation was not to provide humanitarian aid, such as feeding the migrants or offering them shelter in Poland. The primary goal was to transport them to Western Europe, for which the migrants paid large sums—often several thousand dollars—to foreign smugglers (primarily from the Middle East and Eastern Europe) operating in collusion with Polish activists.
In the second stage—after crossing the border—migrants hid in the forest, where they were provided with food and sleeping bags. At the same time, transportation within Poland was being organized. Drivers were tasked with delivering the migrants to designated “locations” in Poland, from which they would then be transported further west.
The smuggling operation employed code words: “puppies” referred to male migrants, while “kittens” referred to women and children. Another piece of evidence indicating the professional nature of the effort to cover up the illegal activity was the registration of 130 phone numbers using falsified passport data belonging to a person who had never been in Poland. As Michał Rachoń noted on TV Republika: “If someone knows how to register 130 numbers, we’re dealing with professionals.”
On the phone of one of the accused, Kamila M., investigators found a PDF file containing a list of over 40 names, including contact details for a “Russian driver living in Poland,” who used a German phone number. Among other contacts were individuals identified by names or pseudonyms such as “Syrian Toni,” “Kurd Sharfan,” or “Abu Omar,” with phone numbers registered in various countries—from Germany, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Belarus, and Ukraine to Syria. The actual roles of these dozens of individuals—who could include violent criminals, individuals linked to terrorist networks, or collaborators of foreign intelligence services—remain unexplored to this day.
As part of the operation, media messaging was also manipulated. One of the instructions found in Signal group chats suggested that photos of migrants—which were likely used later in media coverage or to “recruit” well-meaning but naive individuals from left-wing organizations—should be taken against a background of trees, “to make it look like the photo was taken in a forest or a location near a forest.” It was also advised that migrants be photographed with children. The goal was to create an image of dramatic, dire conditions in order to elicit public sympathy.
In the home of one of the accused, investigators discovered an intriguing set of instructions:
“If an officer knocks, do not open the door. Speak with the police/Border Guard/Territorial Defense Forces through the closed door, or, if necessary, ask them to come to a slightly open, but not fully opened, window. Call [phone number here]. Identify yourself, state where you are, what exactly is happening, provide the officer’s details, stay on the line, and listen carefully.”
One peculiar detail: in Kamila M.’s car, used to transport two Iraqis and one Egyptian, a cardboard sign read: “Police and army in Żoliborz guarding Kaczor and stairs in Suski because they might fly away,” and “I don’t want the Wall.”
Foreign Links and Political Support
The network’s activities extended beyond Poland. Messages from Kasprzak show plans to collaborate with German organizations and MEP Terry Reintke, who publicly criticized Poland’s border policy. Andre Albouy from the organization Minority Rights Group was also active at the border. It was proposed that a “joint policy” on migrants be developed. There was also a suggestion to establish contact with Marcin Mycielski, a former associate of the Open Dialogue Foundation, affiliated with the Committee for the Defense of Democracy (KOD) and the Sok z Buraka social media outlet. In activist communications, Mycielski was described as “tailor-made” for such initiatives. He was an active participant in political campaigns, including that of Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska in 2020.
Grupa Granica, a key link in the operation, during the PiS government—not only sabotaged the defence of Poland’s borders but, as it turns out, also assisted in the smuggling of migrants—received support from prominent politicians and institutions. In January 2023, Adam Bodnar, now Minister of Justice, publicly praised the organization’s activities, stating:
“Grupa Granica managed to secure 10 landmark court rulings. In all of these rulings, courts consistently confirmed that the practice of pushbacks, the failure to provide humanitarian aid, the failure to consider asylum applications, and the collective expulsion of foreigners from Poland violated human rights standards arising both from the Constitution and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union as well as the European Convention on Human Rights. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to all the activists, lawyers, and legal professionals associated with Grupa Granica for what you did in 2022.”
Grupa Granica, in turn, thanked Bodnar:
“We sincerely thank Prof. Bodnar for his support in raising awareness about human rights violations on the Polish-Belarusian border!”
Support for the group was also declared by the city of Gdańsk, governed by the Civic Coalition. Activists involved in the operation—viewed by prosecutors as criminals—were also praised by the media establishment of the so-called Third Republic of Poland. In 2021, Grupa Granica was nominated for the Grand Press Award. The justification?
“Grupa Granica monitors events, documents legal violations, and records refugee stories. It provides information. Without advanced equipment, satellite vans, or a newsroom—using the power of social media. In an era of restricted media freedom and shrinking freedom of speech, Grupa Granica fulfils our right to information about the most important conflict of the year in Poland.”